[Salon] Saudi Arabia and Russia: the OPEC+ dynamic duo



Saudi Arabia and Russia: the OPEC+ dynamic duo

Summary: Saudi Arabia’s response to the market threat posed by US shale was to broker a partnership with Russia in 2016 that six years later is working very well, allowing the Saudis to exert geopolitical influence while shrugging off demands from the Biden White House. 

Today’s newsletter is a transcript excerpt, edited for length and clarity, of our 18 November podcast with Jim Krane. Jim is a Digest podcast regular and an energy research fellow at Rice University's Baker Institute in Houston, Texas. He worked for many years as a journalist based in Iraq and Dubai, and is the author of several books, among them Energy Kingdoms: Oil and political survival in the Persian Gulf published by Columbia University Press. He recently co-authored a paper for the Baker Institute titled ‘The OPEC+ Phenomenon of Saudi-Russian Cooperation and Implications for US-Saudi Relations.'You can find it on the bakerinstitute.org website. The podcast is available here.

Can we begin by talking about shale oil production in the US: how it's affected the market and how it brought Russia and Saudi Arabia together.

The Texas shale phenomenon brought a huge surge in oil production in the United States. We were producing about 6 or 7 million barrels per day in the early 2000s. That jumped up really quickly and reached 13 million barrels a day by 2021. That's the most oil any country has ever produced. I think the highest the Saudis have ever gotten was 12.4 bpd in 2020. So OPEC, of course, watched all this, at first dismissing it as a flash in the pan, but increasingly, over the years becoming alarmed. Shale was basically stealing their market share. Shale captured almost 5 million barrels a day, by our count, of OPEC’s market share. It wasn't that OPEC was necessarily losing market share. The oil market was growing, you had Chinese demand growing, but they weren't capturing the growth, they were holding their production steady. And they were actually cutting production at times to prop up prices. And every time OPEC did that, US shale would swoop in and grab more market share, the ultimate free rider. This shale monster was growing and growing and OPEC didn't really have an answer. Shale was basically undercutting OPEC, no matter what it did. If OPEC would cut, shale would ramp up and dampen the price increase OPEC was chasing. And then if OPEC tried to punish the market and punish producers with a big price war by flooding the market with extra production, shale investors would stop investing, those oil wells would decline naturally. And then the price wouldn't drop as far.

So the shale sector was difficult for OPEC to cope with. It was making OPEC a lot less effective. And the Saudis found themselves kind of alone. They needed another big producer to try and regain their influence over the market because their market power seemed to be evaporating. Russia was the obvious choice. Here's the world's number two producer and exporter. By 2016, after various discussions and overtures, Russia began cooperating with Saudi Arabia and OPEC and brought in a couple of other allies. Kazakhstan is probably the most important one. And you had this formation of OPEC+ brought to you by US shale.

That  OPEC+ production cut of 2 million barrels per day in October just ahead of this year’s US midterms, you and your co-authors, Kristian Coates Ulrichsen and Mark Finley described it as “extraordinary.” How extraordinary was it? And to what extent should we read it as the Saudis playing oil politics with the US?

I'd say that the cut was really extraordinary. I'd never seen Saudi Arabia pushing OPEC to make a cut at a time when the incumbent US president's party really didn't want it to and instead wanted a production increase. There's this kind of fiction here in the US that somehow the US president controls US gasoline prices, when in reality he has very, very little influence over gasoline prices. It's really the Saudis that have had that influence. And they can raise production and essentially take gasoline prices off the table at election time. And they have done that.  They did it for Obama in 2012 and they did it for Trump. But the last time that they did it for a Democrat president was under King Abdullah. And now we've got King Salman. And it appears that Saudi Arabia is not going to automatically help out the incumbent US president at election time. So not only that, not only may Saudi Arabia not help, but it may actually put gasoline prices purposefully back on the table as a political issue to hurt an incumbent it doesn't like, and that seems to be what happened this time around.

Hurting Biden helps Putin and helps MbS make a statement about his strained relationship with Washington but what else are the Saudis and the Russians getting out of OPEC+

You know, OPEC and Saudi Arabia very much value the oil market cooperation that they're getting from Russia. The cartel has gotten a lot more disciplined with Russia onboard, and with the Saudi oil minister Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman. We're seeing less cheating, we're seeing a lot of over compliance with cuts. So OPEC’s bigger, and you'd think that would make it more disorganised, but somehow it's not. It's more organised, it's stronger. It's got impressive results under the Saudi-Russia dual leadership. The Saudis don't want to lose that, they're enjoying this Russian cooperation. And now with the invasion of Ukraine, OPEC is even more useful for Putin. So I think the Saudis had more to gain before the war. But now, Putin also is really gaining from this. It's probably his best venue for geopolitical influence. It's his biggest stage these days. And he seems to revel in the fact that he's managed to shoehorn himself into this tight US-Saudi relationship. And the Saudis won't jettison him from it despite US pressure. Far from it, they're even making a point of holding diplomatic visits and taking Putin's phone calls. And, you know, they made a show of rejecting Biden's phone calls last year. So some of this is probably aimed at making a point, demonstrating to Washington that there's some consequences for spurning, as they see it, their Gulf Arab partners. You know, there's a lot of disagreements going back at least to the Arab Spring and beyond. Those disagreements were bolstered by US shale. The thinking here in the US, probably until recently was 'we're oil self-sufficient, that should give us a free pass on not having to cater to our Middle East allies, to some of their demands.' Well, as it turned out, shale didn't really do that. We found out that the US motorist is just as exposed to global oil prices as they ever were. The prices are formed there in the Gulf and it's the big exporters and how much they decide to produce or not that are the real players in the oil game. And we take our prices from them.

This takes me to another mechanism that the Saudis are using, spare production capacity. What is it? And how are they using it for geopolitical leverage?

Spare capacity is the gap between how much a country produces and how much it could produce if it were going flat out and opening all the taps. Spare capacity is really what makes Saudi Arabia special.  It gives them that swagger on the geopolitical stage. You know, they bring spare capacity on stream when markets are being roiled by some big event. It could be a hurricane or a natural disaster. But usually it's a political upheaval of some sort, so an invasion or an embargo. And usually, the Saudis leverage their spare capacity in concert with the US, at least that's how it used to go. We want to invade Iraq or slap some sanctions on Iran. And we asked the Saudis to swing some extra oil to the market. So in my teaching here at Rice University, I used to say in class that the Saudis protect the US motorist from US foreign policy. But after this October that might not be true anymore.  We’ve got some sort of different behaviour. Biden before he won was campaigning on making the Saudis a pariah. Well, once he was elected, that Saudi spare capacity was less available, seemingly, to us. We had the really fast post-COVID recovery in oil demand, we had this big oil price shock. And we had OPEC+, basically saying that we're just going to stick to our plan to return the oil to markets, kind of drip-feeding it by increases of 400,000 barrels a day. So  with that, you had oil prices running all the way up to $130 a barrel and still no change.

Saudi was not bringing on its spare capacity. You had Biden asking him, you had Macron, you had Boris Johnson: no go. The Saudis had their spare capacity, but they just refused to use it. They said the market was well supplied, and the price spikes were due to geopolitical risks or under-investment by producers being afraid of climate action or some kind of a boomeranging pandemic. So they held that spare capacity in abeyance. And here in the US, President Biden, dealing with high oil prices in election year turned to emergency stocks, the strategic petroleum reserves. And that's not how it's supposed to work. Usually, it's the other way around. We have Saudi bring on some spare capacity first, and then, really, if things get bad, then we open up the emergency stocks. You know, Biden even went to Saudi Arabia, and of course failed to get any help. So, the paper we wrote on this basically suggests that most of this refusal to bring spare capacity on was due to political factors, from the Saudis and others. We did mention some oil market factors but we were sceptical of that.

Finally I want to ask you about big oil in the Gulf: massive profits this year but post-COP 27 how is their green agenda looking?

Well, yes, massive profits. Aramco was closing in on a billion dollars a day this spring, unimaginable profits, really big profits that have come down a bit. But still, the bounce back from COVID has been substantial. About their green agendas, you know I'm always cautious about the big state-owned oil companies’ green agendas.  At this point it's mostly talk, there's not a lot of investment going into it.

Wood Mackenzie put out a report recently examining oil companies around the world and ranking them by the amount of capital investment that was going into non-oil diversification, especially into alternate sources of energy: electrification or vehicle charging or wind, solar, etc. And really, the state-owned oil companies, including Saudi Aramco and ADNOC just didn't even make the list, their spending was so low. They really weren't doing anything other than talk about it. So you'll hear them say they want to get into hydrogen, zero carbon hydrogen, as a fuel. There's some small investments in carbon capture and storage. But the story this year is more about these companies and their governments pushing back against the green agenda. You're getting prominent oil ministers blaming the green agenda for under-investment in oil; they're  pointing to climate action as being premature, pushing up oil prices and discouraging upstream investment, making life harder, and pushing inflation in importing countries etc. You know, there may be a small grain of truth there. Mostly, I tend to disagree with that. The International Energy Agency, their New World Energy Outlook has basically said the opposite. It said the countries that are managing to reduce their exposure to higher oil prices are the ones that have gone the farthest in clean climate action and installed renewables and are moving towards electric vehicles the quickest. So if you want to reduce your exposure to oil market volatility, as an individual, the best thing you can do is buy an electric vehicle. And that way, when Saudi Arabia and Russia make waves in the oil market, you are not exposed to that at all. You can ignore that. Those geopolitics that are bedevilling everybody else won't affect you.


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